Reflections on 10 Khalsa Camps

On Monday, we wrapped up the Winter Khalsa Camp. It was the 4th Winter Camp in addition to 6 Summer Camps that have been going on since the Summer of 2010. As one of the core organizing Sevadars from the beginning, this seems like a good time for reflection and hopefully, in the process of reflecting, it might also turn into an opportunity for further learning and growth.

And so my thoughts/reflections, in no particular order...

1) Feeling Blessed... I feel enormously blessed to have been involved with this Seva. My eldest brother and his wife (among others) were involved in the founding of the West Coast Sikh Youth Alliance (WCSYA) in 1994. At the time, they and their friends were just 19 years old. With Guru Sahib's Kirpa, they founded an institution that still serves the sangat today, fully 21 years after it began. Just next month, WCSYA will organize its Winter Retreat for adults with Harinder Singh presenting on Panthic Issues. More than any other legacy, WCSYA was the first regular Sikh Youth Camp in BC; it paved the way for the other Camps that followed and eventually, as a result, Guru Sahib even blessed the sangat here with a beautiful campsite. Seeing my brother and my eventual Bhabhiji (sister-in-law) doing this type of Seva inspired me to become involved in this Seva too and so I am thankful to them for their trailblazing.

At Camp, we've been blessed to have amazing sangat with genuinely inspired souls attending locally and from around the world. We've had so many inspiring speakers at Camp including Bhai Tarsem Singh, Bhai Manvir Singh, Bhai Balpreet Singh, Bhai Santbir Singh, Bhai Tejinder Singh, Bibi Mandeep Kaur, Bhai Surjit Singh, Bhai Navreet Singh, Bhai Sadhu Singh, Bhai Dalvinder Singh, Master Niranjan Singh, Bhai Jagraj Singh, Bhai Manvinder Singh, Bibi Balpreet Kaur, Bibi Gurminder Kaur (my sister in law) among many many others. I feel genuinely humbled to think that I was involved in helping to facilitate the parchaar of these inspiring Gursikhs. 

2) Reflections on the Beginnings of Khalsa Camp... Khalsa Camp started here almost by accident. When I was 21 in the Summer of 2008, I made contact with some other Singhs and the idea came about to do a weekend retreat for Singhs which was focused on Kamaaee. It sounded like a great opportunity and I jumped at the chance to help get it going. At the time, I was working at our family's hotel in Harrison Hot Springs. I coordinated with some other Singhs and we quickly agreed on a weekend the following month. I set aside some hotel rooms and a couple of meeting rooms. Doing a Camp in a hotel was nice in ways and a lot of people liked it, but it was also kind of limiting. We couldn't possibly do Parkaash of Guru Sahib in a hotel and we also couldn't get the full camp experience in a hotel setting. And so it was discussed with Singhs to do a full blown camp the next Summer at a proper campsite. With my limited experiences in camps and in life generally, I set out to help make the 2009 Camp a success. I poured my heart and soul into it. For this Camp, I was responsible for many core duties (even though I was a complete newbie to Camp Organizing)... I was involved in arranging transport, camper recruitment, liaising with the campsite director (before Khalsa Centre existed), finances, and just general camp matters. I embraced the Seva but things did not turn out as I had hoped they would. Before Camp, we had convened a 5 Singh committee to take on the organizing of the Camp. Without getting into too many details, I felt that the burden of responsibility was being placed unevenly on my shoulders. This sense that I felt ultimately led to issues. Due to my youth and inexperience with these types of issues (which are common in so many organizations), the issues ultimately led to my quitting the camp organizing committee. I didn't want to resign but the force of Vijog (separation) was pulling too strongly and the result was not in my control. I wanted to stay and continue the Seva. I was attached to it. I had spent so many hours to help build up this Seva and yet it felt like there was no way for me to continue. It was mysterious, how things turned out. One of the Singhs on the organizing committee made efforts to facilitate a discussion to continue my involvement with the Camp but all efforts were in vain. It wasn't meant to be.

Initially, I wanted to "retire" (yep, at the ripe age of 22) from doing these kinds of Seva. I was frustrated but eventually, in the aftermath of my involvement with Singhs Camp, the opportunity arose to do Seva in Khalsa Camp. Someone had broached the idea with me while I was still involved in Singhs Camp and they happened to still be interested in the idea after I had departed the Singhs Camp organizing team. After some time, I accepted this new Seva. It was a difficult beginning given the fallout of my departure from Singhs Camp but I feel that it was Guru Sahib testing my resolve. Eventually, we took a Hukamnama at Khalsa School and the result was an amazing blessing. Guru Sahib spoke and insisted that we carry forward the Seva of Khalsa Camp BC with full vigor and with full faith.

3) Camper Recruitment / Purposes of Camp: Ideally, when doing a Seva, especially one such as a Camp, it is probably best if there is an organic demand for the Seva amongst the Sangat. Meaning, it is most straightforward if the Seva is filling a void or a demand that is not already being met. It is less straightforward when one is doing a Seva where the demand needs to be created rather than when it is existing already. Let me try to elaborate.

Over the years, two purposes of Camp have become apparent to me. I would define these two purposes as Parchaar and providing Sangat. Parchaar itself can probably be divided into two levels. On one level, Parchaar means bringing people onto the path of Sikhi who are not already on it. It also means Parchaar to those who may have taken Amrit but who need continued inspiration to continue their growth as Sikhs. Now some people long for Parchaar but I would bet that most people who need Parchaar don't really know that they need Parchaar. And most of those people won't be persuaded that they need to come to Camp in order to have Parchaar done to them. Their desire to come to Camp is usually minimal. Strategies need to be developed in order to ignite their interest in coming to Camp. Sometimes this means focusing on non-Sikhi aspects such as recreation or it could also mean focusing on the more generic concepts of spirituality and self-discovery while de-emphasizing other aspects of Sikhi. With regards to Parchaar, interest in Camp may not exist organically but all we can do is encourage people to come to Camp and hope that the power of Sangat and Gurbani can transform them.

The other important purpose of Camp aside from Parchaar is creating a positive Sangat experience (to the extent that the two are distinct). Everyone needs Sangat and Camp is a great opportunity for a complete Sangat experience: Darbars, accumulating Sikhi-related knowledge, having fun and meeting new Sikhs. What else can a Sikh look for? Over the years, I've increasingly taken the view that if someone is not inherently interested in seeking out Sangat in the form of the Camp experience, it is usually not worth my time to convince them otherwise. If someone is following the Sikh path and thinks that coming to Camp presents a great opportunity for Sangat, I love seeing them at Camp. If someone is following Sikhi but seems to lack interest in joining Sangat at Camp or if they lack an appreciation for the value of Sangat at Camp then it is usually pointless to try and convince them otherwise. The purpose of Camp is to fill the demand for Sangat. If someone has that desire for Sangat at Camp, it's a great match. If someone doesn't, then I wish them the best in seeking out Sangat in another venue that suits them better because everyone needs Sangat somewhere. After all, there is no Sikhi without Sangat.

4) Dealing with Negativity and Egos... I've mentioned above that everyone needs Sangat but it's still the case that for whatever reasons, people can sometimes even disparage Camp to others due to what I think can only be described as shortsightedness or malice. Being involved with 10 camps has allowed me to come to relative peace with this. For some, Camp is too "AKJ", for others, it is not AKJ. For some, Camp is too "hardcore" while for others it is a non-serious "fun camp". It is impossible to please everyone. You just have to keep charging ahead and do your best, even when there are setbacks.

There are certain people who think they deserve a special status at Camp. There are others who want to be courted in order to attend Camp. Dealing with people with egos is always a difficult task. What is the balance between accommodating them vs. harming the unity at Camp and therefore the Camp atmosphere? It's always a tough balancing act.

5) What Makes a Successful Camp? There are many ingredients that go into creating a successful Camp. A partial list is as follows:

a) Good organization. This can mean a lot of very general things. It can mean an easy and accessible way to register for Camp with registration being open for long enough before Camp. It can mean multiple Sevadars each being responsible for their own Seva area. It can mean good timekeeping at Camp. It can mean arriving at Camp on the first day on time and departing from Camp on the last day on time with little to no complications in transport. It can mean being on top of the poster design and the t-shirt design. It can mean coordinating cleanup in an organized way on the last day of Camp. It means creating a feeling of calm rather than a sense of confusion.

b) A Strong Langar Team. Brian, the campsite director at Camp Hope (where Camp happened in 2010 and 2011), told me that a strong kitchen team is the key to a successful Camp and over the years, I've seen how true that is. A Langar team that can prepare good meals on time is the strongest way to anchor the Camp schedule. A good Langar Team usually means a good Camp. An inexperienced Langar team can make the difference in how successful a Camp is. Langar Sevadars also do the most Seva at Camp and it can sometimes be hard to find Sevadars who have the necessary level of commitment. I know we struggle with this although Guru Sahib has a way of taking care of things in the end.

c) Good Speakers. Camps are all about learning and sharing knowledge. For this, good speakers are essential. Thankfully, Guru Sahib has always blessed Khalsa Camp BC with amazing speakers. Calling international speakers usually involves paying for tickets and this can create an additional strain on the camp budget but it's usually always worth it. Inspiring speakers make the Camp experience feel extra special.

d) Great Darbars. Sometimes, the Darbar experience can depend on the Kirtanis who are at Camp. But a lot of the Darbar experience depends on proper Darbar management. Are there many awkward pauses between Banis or between Kirtanis because the Darbar isn't being managed effectively? Is everyone getting a turn to do Kirtan? Are more skilled Kirtanis being given the opportunity to do Kirtan Seva? Are Ardaas, Parkaash and Sukhaasin all happening in an organized manner? Is there a peaceful and spiritual atmosphere?

e) A friendly and relaxed atmosphere. This is arguably the hardest thing to "create" and sometimes it can take time before it can take hold. It can depend on the types of Campers you have. It can depend on the number of cliques who registered for Camp together. But there are always ways to promote this even if the success of this point is ultimately also in the hands of each individual Camper. You can challenge campers to sit with a different group of people for every meal. You can challenge campers to learn the names of at least the campers of their own gender. Icebreakers are usually a good idea. A good orientation can also be used to set the right tone and make people feel at ease. This is crucial and we at Khalsa Camp BC need to brainstorm how to implement this more effectively.

6) Creating a Lasting Legacy... Recently, Harinder Singh resigned from his role as CEO of the Sikh Research Institute (SikhRi). Many people are doubting the future of SikhRi because our community is traditionally so poor at handing over a Seva to someone new. It is usually the founders of any given Seva who are the most passionate about its success. But we cannot afford to think like this. Every Sikh should feel a stake in different Sevas. Everyone should feel a sense of ownership and of responsibility. I know that certain people think that Khalsa Camp is "my" camp which is an unfortunate perception. I won't be doing this Seva forever and who knows how long I'll be involved for. Every Seva ultimately belongs to Guru Sahib and the Sangat at large.

Ideally, the responsibility relating to Camp should fall on many shoulders. In most circumstances, it is important for many people to feel a stake in the success of an institution or else its future is always going to be in question. On this point, I don't feel as if we have been very successful with Khalsa Camp BC. And so I am ending this post with an invitation. If you are passionate about Sikhi Parchaar and creating a special and unique Sangat experience, I am asking you to join the Khalsa Camp Sevadar Team. Send me a Facebook message or a text. Together, we can take this Seva to the next level of success.

Jeb Bush's Path to Victory

In American politics today, the situation is somewhat terrifying, at least on the Republican side of things. Donald Trump is disingenuously but disgustingly appealing to the worst inclinations of some of those on the extreme far-right. The other three competitive options on the Republican side are also deeply flawed. Ben Carson is too inexperienced and too beholden to extreme elements of the Republican base. Ted Cruz is extreme, uncompromising and his Presidency would be incredibly polarizing and therefore destructive to the fabric of the country. Marco Rubio lacks the resume to be President, is too young and inexperienced and is also too scared of the far-right. As President, it seems as if he would seek to appease the far-right rather than be a unifying figure for the entire country.

So who does that leave? Rand Paul is too dogmatically libertarian, even if his views on civil liberties, criminal justice reform and other issues can be appealing. John Kasich and Chris Christie have some appeal but I favour the candidacy of Jeb Bush, who I think is the candidate with the potential to be the most unifying figure as President among all of the candidates running, in either party. He's also polling somewhat ahead of Christie and Kasich and is the non-extreme and grownup candidate with the greatest likelihood to prevent a Trump, Cruz, Carson or Rubio victory. Conservative, but not extreme. Open to immigration and not fearful of the consequences that might have on America's demographic makeup. Inclusive in tone and not someone who plays to people's fears (based on my read of his public statements over the past few months).

But Jeb Bush is so far behind, right? He's polling at between 3-5% in national polls and isn't doing much better in Iowa and New Hampshire. So how does he pull it off? In my opinion, it will start with him outperforming expectations in Iowa. This means a 2nd or 3rd place finish (right now he is polling a distant 5th). Outperforming expectations in Iowa could potentially set the stage for a victory in New Hampshire. A victory in New Hampshire would lead to the dropping out of Kasich and Christie (along with others, although Kasich and Christie are both betting heavily on NH and a Bush victory there would almost certainly lead to their exit from the race). The momentum from a New Hampshire win along with the narrowing of the field would slingshot Jeb right back into contention for the nomination.

So how does one outperform expectations in Iowa? Jeb Bush recorded a respectable 6% in a poll released today by Monmouth University. Considering how poorly his campaign has been going, that 6% is a decent base and depending on how the other candidates split the vote, 2nd or 3rd place could be achieved with as little as 13-15% of the vote, which shouldn't be out of the question. As David Brooks notes in his most recent column, voters will turn more sober by early February. Trump's shameless demagoguery and attention-seeking antics will likely start wearing a bit thin at some point. Carson will continue to lose support given his lack of fluency with the issues. Cruz is Cruz and his extremism won't play well in a general election. Voters will likely increasingly wake up to that reality as voting day approaches. Rubio's flaws should also become more apparent with time. The sobering of the electorate, a decent debate performance or two, along with a strong campaign effort could push Jeb easily north of 10%. I also have this gut feeling that Rand Paul's support in Iowa is understated in the polls. He's inheriting much of his father's ground game which made Ron Paul come shockingly close to winning the Iowa Caucuses in 2012. 26,000 votes when Santorum and Romney got 29,000+. I see no reason why Rand Paul can't tap into those 26,000 votes. He won't win but I think he can get around 10% of the vote when his dad got over 21% of the vote.

So for the purposes of handicapping the caucuses, I am assuming that Trump, Cruz, Carson, Rubio, Jeb and Rand all get at least 10% of the vote. I know right now it's not clear that Jeb and Rand will get 10% but I think both will be able to pull it off. The four poll leaders (Trump, Cruz, Carson and Rubio) could potentially drop below 10% in the final Iowa results although I don't see it happening just yet. If all 6 candidates get 10%, that speaks for 60% of caucus-goers. Another 15% of the vote will likely go to the other candidates (Huckabee, Santorum, Fiorina, Christie, Kasich and others). The other candidates may get more than 15% of the vote but 15% is probably a safe bet as a minimum considering there are two former winners of the caucuses in their ranks (unless we see some dropouts before Iowa).

So in total, under this scenario, 75% of the electorate has been spoken for. 25% is up for grabs. I would spot another 5% to Trump. I think his floor is maybe at around 15%. I also think Cruz's trajectory and the strength of his campaign will also have him finishing the race with at least 15%. That leaves 15% up for grabs. I would spot another 2-3% each to Rubio and Carson, assuming they each finish at 12 or 13%. This leaves us with another 10%.

Trump - 15%
Cruz - 15%
Rubio - 13%
Carson - 12%
Jeb - 10%
Rand - 10%
Others - 15%
Up for Grabs - 10%

If Jeb could take enough of the remaining 10% to slingshot himself over Rubio and into 3rd place behind Trump and Cruz (say 4% with 4% to Cruz and 2% to others) , he could position himself as the default non-extreme candidate for New Hampshire. It might seem like a bit of a stretch right now, but it's plausible. Bush 43 could be utilized in the homestretch in Iowa. That should definitely be good for a few thousand votes, if deployed smartly. With a couple good debate performances and the construction of a somewhat compelling narrative, a finish in even the high-teens is not out of the question. First place is likely out of reach but a strong second or third place finish would really shake things up for his campaign.

In the last Iowa caucuses, there were around 120,000 votes cast. Given the increase in interest in the current race, we might expect there to be 180,000 votes cast this time. 14% of 180,000 is about 25,000 votes. With a campaign and related organizations with maybe 200 million dollars at their disposal, turning out 25,000 Jeb voters seems achievable. That's $8,000 per voter if they spent their entire campaign in Iowa... and still $2,000 per voter if only one quarter of their funds were spent in Iowa! I'm guessing a lot of voters could be reached with $2,000 in outreach... and outperforming expectations in Iowa seems like the surest way to position the Jeb campaign for victory in New Hampshire. And with victory in New Hampshire, a strong result in South Carolina is plausible. By that point, Jeb would likely have the endorsement of Lindsay Graham and John McCain. And Mitt Romney may intervene too for Jeb if Jeb overshadows Rubio in Iowa and New Hampshire.

We Need a Plan

Last month, I wrote about the dangers of an 18th Century style Sarbat Khalsa in 2015. Instead of an 18th Century style Sarbat Khalsa, we got something closer to a Contemporary Punjabi Politics style Sarbat Khalsa: decisions made in a secretive backroom, narrow agendas driving things forward, a lack of vision, big-thinking, foresight, political strategy, inclusion, magnanimity, and so on and so forth.

Gursikhs who did not participate in the Sarbat Khalsa such as Bhai Ranjit Singh Dhadhriawale have been vilified instead of being courted and persuaded. They have been accused of being on the side of the government when instead, their concerns should have been listened to and addressed. This is the problem. There is such a dearth of far-sighted and magnanimous political thinking in Punjab. What gain can there be in alienating Dhadhriawale? Don't we want him on side? Guru Sahib was so magnanimous: being concerned with Datu's foot, treating Dara Shikoh even when his grandfather had been responsible for the Shaheedi of Guru Arjan Dev Ji, asking his Sikhs to apologize to the Fake Guru Dhirmal after assaulting him, wanting to reason with Aurangzeb even after all of his atrocities. We need to learn even an ounce of Guru Sahib's magnanimous nature if we have any hope of getting things on the right track in our Panth. 

The many defects in the Sarbat Khalsa's execution and aftermath laid the groundwork for what was to come: the arrest of the Sarbat Khalsa-endorsed Jathedars and the general feeling of hopelessness surrounding Panthic Gursikhs who want to take back their Panth. Hopelessness, however, is not a state of being that is befitting of the Khalsa. We don't need hopelessness. We need a plan. 

Humbly, what we need right now is the following:

1) Uniting the Panth around a singular mission: the freedom of Sri Akal Takht Sahib. Freedom from government law, government interference and corruption. And replacing this current mess with a system that is genuinely adhering to Sikh Principles as enshrined in Gurbani and as demonstrated in Sikh history. 

2) Uniting the Panth around what a free Sri Akal Takht Sahib looks like. Many Gursikhs are already working on this. Yes, we need to repeal the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, a law of the Indian State. Yes, we need to ban state political parties from having a role in our Gurdwaras and especially in our Takhts. Yes, we need to have a system where a select few cannot corruptly suspend the rules as the current SGPC has done. Yes, we need safeguards to ensure that genuine Gursikhs are coming forward in positions of leadership. And yes, we need to do away with the corrosive influence of electoral politics in the form of the SGPC elections. No other religion's leadership is influenced by an elections system, let alone one that is so subject to vote-buying and dirty tricks. We need to rally around a vision of what our institutions must look like. Sarbat Khalsa 2015 got this dialogue started and that was perhaps its greatest contribution. Many proposals will be coming forward over the next several months. Eventually, the Panth needs to rally around one. 

3) Uniting the Panth around Sarbat Khalsa Vasakhi 2016. Every Jathebandi needs to be brought to the table. Every organization needs to have a voice.  Khalistanis need to be there, non-Khalistanis need to be there. Even those who have been co-opted by the Badals need to be courted. Bhai Harnaam Singh Dhumma, how can we convince you to come? What are your conditions? We are asking nicely and respectfully. Please let us know. Bhai Ranjit Singh and Bhai Panthpreet Singh: what are your conditions for attending? Let's meet them. Let's not let the next Sarbat Khalsa be as lacking in inclusion as the last one. It may take too many years to recover as a Panth if that were to happen. 

Future Panthic Decision making may be dictated by a different system such as a World Sikh Parliament but before any of that can happen, we need every organization that calls itself Panthic at the table. Each organization needs to rally around the singular mission: a proposal for a Free Sri Akal Takht Sahib. And then a realistic political strategy needs to be adopted on how to achieve this mission.

A Political Solution is Necessary

My dear friend, Santbir Singh, shared my most recent post on his Facebook. While sharing my post, Santbir Singh suggested that perhaps my focus was too heavy on political solutions (in the form of SGPC and Punjab assembly elections). 

I think when it comes to Sikhi in its totality, he's right. Ultimately, Sikhs have strayed too far from Gurbani, Naam Simran and Rehit. Any Gursikh with a strong jeevan will tell you that the source of our problems lies in the fact that our relationship with Guru Sahib is not nearly as strong as it needs to be for the Panth to be in Chardi Kala. 

However, the problem seems to be that unless we attain control of our own institutions, it will be much harder to shape our destiny in terms of reversing the trend towards Sikhs moving away from Guru Sahib. Sikhs in Punjab are being subjected to cultural imperialism and many other efforts to merge them into the Hindu mainstream. Sovereignty of our institutions is required to reverse this trend. 

Our lack of political control is a symptom of our lack of a relationship with Guru Sahib but it is an incredibly important symptom. It is such an important symptom that it has also become a cause of our current state of affairs. When something is both a symptom and a cause, that means it is contributing to a cycle. In order to break the cycle, we can try many different options but on top of the list must be achieving sovereignty of our institutions before things become too dire. 

Santbir Singh gave the example of Sikhs marching into Darbar Sahib in the early 20th Century and taking over. The parallel he draws is missing some important context. Our Gurdwaras did not come into our control spontaneously. It took time. There was an entire movement that united the Panth. Eventually, it became clear that the Mahants had no moral authority and the government had no choice but to give back control of the Gurdwaras in Sikh hands after a long agitation. This is where the SGPC was created and it has since morphed into somewhat of a monster. I have not seen any viable solution to the Panth's issues that does not involve control of SGPC (followed by the reform of SGPC). If there is a viable solution, by all means, bring it to the table. Let's judge its practicality and likelihood of success. 

Our focus must be on a political solution while also still making our best efforts on Sikhi Parchaar in the meantime until a political solution can be achieved. The movement in the 1980s and 90s lacked a clear political solution to rally around. Among the many lessons to learn from the post-1984 movement, one lesson must be that the Panth needs to rally behind a clear political solution moving forward.

With the rise of the modern nation-state world system, India and its government is not going to disintegrate anytime soon. The Government of Punjab, its police force and bureaucracy will also continue to exist along with the existence of the Indian state. The existence of the government and the current SGPC regime's technical legal claim on controlling Panthic institutions means that any practical victory scenario must include capture of the SGPC and ideally, control of the Punjab government. Or if you think it doesn't require a political solution, please explain how it doesn't and let's begin a dialogue. 

What Does Victory Look Like?

The Sarbat Khalsa passed many important resolutions yesterday but how can we implement these resolutions? How can this movement achieve victory? What does victory even look like? To me, victory is creating an environment in which the Panth has the sovereignty to implement its resolutions without interference. 

The success of this movement will ultimately depend on seizing political power in Punjab. This means (most importantly) having Panthic Gursikhs take control of SGPC and also having Panthic Gursikhs or at least allies in charge of the Punjab government. The Badals, whether they realize it or not, are a block on progress in the Panth. Their removal from positions of political power has become necessary.

Gursikhs have not traditionally been very successful at politics in Punjab. Strategy is lacking. Knowledge of the compromises and deal-making required to win is lacking. And most importantly, unity is lacking. With the right planning, we can change that. This is where the Sarbat Khalsa movement can help. 

Let us be clear: Panthic Gursikhs will struggle to achieve progress without the official levers of power in Punjab. The challenge will be on how to organize the Panth to achieve political power without having the whole process co-opted by people who think along the same lines of the Badals. This line of thinking conflates their being in power and Panthic interest as going hand in hand. Many people will seek to hijack the movement to serve their personal ambitions. The Panth must guard against this by ensuring that genuine Gursikhs are being put forward in leadership positions. 

Phase 1: Organizing to Win

SGPC Elections

We are likely to see SGPC elections happen within the next year or so. They are due pending the outcome of a court case. Ultimately, one of the most practical things the next Sarbat Khalsa can do is to organize Panthic candidates for the SGPC elections. As a minimum starting point, there should be one unified Panthic slate running against Badal party members. Competing "Panthic parties" who put forward candidates should run the risk of being declared thankaiya for going against the will of the Panth by causing disunity and confusion. 

A unified Panthic slate would automatically make things competitive and with the right leadership, campaign, candidates and money, victory over Badal's party is achievable. It will not be easy but it is achievable. Bhai Amrik Singh and other Gursikhs sought to win control over SGPC in 1980 but failed to oust Tohra. Many Sikhs will need to be persuaded. They may still see Badal's party as the safer bet. They may be leery of a new group coming in and potentially causing instability. The unified Panthic slate must prove that they are the party of Sikh principles and not the party of anger and grievance. Prominent Sikhs includings Babas and others with followings who have traditionally given support to Badal must be persuaded to support the Panthic slate. This will probably be best accomplished by persuasion rather than by threats. They must be convinced to be on the right side of history. 

Ultimately, control over the SGPC is necessary in order to reform it (Resolution 8). Reforms could include banning political parties from being involved in SGPC politics and I think there would also be efforts to remove the Takhts from SGPC control and perhaps vest them in the control of the World Sikh Parliament (Resolution 5). The resolutions passed yesterday lack detail but hopefully they will be fleshed out in April at the next Sarbat Khalsa. Ultimately, the corrupt election system that elects the SGPC must be scrapped but control is necessary before any of this can become possible.

Failure to defeat Badal's party in the SGPC elections will be a body blow to this movement and it would likely cement Sukhbir Badal's control over the Panth for several years longer. As long as Akali Dal (Badal) members have a majority in the SGPC, they will always be subject to fulfilling the political interests of their party leaders. Victory in the SGPC elections will require playing by the rules as they exist, not as we wish them to be. Dirty tactics will be employed by the other side but Panthic candidates must learn to cope with this and overcome it. 

Upon the Panth winning a majority of seats in the SGPC elections, the SGPC will become easier to reform. Takht Jathedars who have been appointed by the Sarbat Khalsa will actually be able to take their seats at their respective Takhts. Resources will come back to the Panth's disposal and the most important work can take off in earnest: Sikhi Parchaar.

Punjab Assembly Elections

Next, in 2017 we will have the Punjab assembly elections. For the Panth, SGPC elections are probably more important. For the Badal family, Punjab assembly elections are more important. The Badals derive most of their power from running Punjab, not running the SGPC. And in order to eliminate the Badals from their main power base, strategic thinking is necessary. Looking at previous Punjab assembly election results, we can see that Panthic parties do very poorly. They are barely on the map. As Sikhs become a smaller proportion of Punjab's population, it is unrealistic to gain power by running a Sikh party, even if that party is relatively unified (which has always been a struggle). Even if there is a unified Panthic party running, Sikh votes will still go to the other 3 major parties: Akali Dal Badal, Congress and AAP.

If victory alone is not possible then a partnership with one of the other parties is necessary. Badal's party and Congress are clearly unacceptable to Panthic Gursikhs and so that leaves AAP as the only viable candidate for a partnership. Any partnership with AAP will have to be clearly defined. For starters, AAP should have nothing to do with the SGPC and Sikh affairs. Many Gursikhs seem somewhat confused on this point because SGPC and Punjab assembly elections are so closely conflated in the minds of many Sikhs. One of the conditions of support must be that AAP supports Panthic issues but that its leadership must not seek to interfere in Panthic affairs.

The Panth's checklist of conditions for supporting AAP must also be a realistic checklist. We can ask for AAP support in freeing political prisoners but we cannot expect things that are not in their control. Unrealistic demands can doom us and can doom the Panthic-AAP partnership in the long run. Panthic Gursikhs must also recognize that AAP will go after non-Sikh voters and we must have the maturity to understand that AAP is not a perfect vehicle and that it will sometimes do things that offend Sikh sensibilities. 

Panthic Gursikhs can craft a number of issues on which AAP must support the Panthic position. For this, Panthic Gursikhs can get behind AAP in a unified manner. As there are many issues with Punjab's economy hurting Badal's popularity, AAP can win in Punjab, especially if they are in a formal alliance with the Panth. Fortunately, AAP is already looking to ally with Panthic Gursikhs.

Again, the Punjab government is not directly relevant to Akal Takht or control of our historical Gurdwaras. That power currently lies with the SGPC. However, it would be a powerful step if the Chief Minister of Punjab understands that he or she has no role in interfering in Sikh institutions. Once Sikh institutions are free from unwelcome political control and influence, it could lead to great things for the Panth. Having a pro-Sikh party in power can also help Sikhs free themselves from harassment by Punjab police and security forces. With a genuine ally in the Chief Minister's office, Sikhs can rise from their second-class status. On this point, I think one of the conditions for supporting AAP is for them to review the criminal justice system in Punjab. Policies in place in western countries such as an independent police complaint commission must be instituted. With time, other reforms must also take place such as body cameras on police officers. Punjab police must exist to serve the people; not to abuse them. 

Phase 2: Achieving Real Progress

Defeating the Badals will be a hollow victory if Sikh principles do not ultimately prevail. Defeating Badal is one thing; replacing him with someone credibly better is not as automatic as some think it is. Institutional reforms are necessary. As mentioned above, there must be a firewall between politicians and Sikh institutions. This will give Sikh institutions the integrity needed to achieve great things.

Some will see the defeat of the Badals as an opportunity to enact an extreme or narrow agenda. Even worse, some will see it as an opportunity to carry out their personal vendettas. All of this must be carefully policed by the Panth. Panthic Gursikhs must have a broad and inclusive agenda in order to win control of and remain in control of our institutions.

Institutional reforms will become more difficult the longer it takes to implement them. Maybe the newly elected SGPC will begin to like things the way they are. Maybe the next non-Badal Chief Minister will also want some fancy titles for his re-election campaign. Reforms must be implemented quickly or else we may risk ending up with a system that's even worse than what we have currently.

The Sarbat Khalsa movement may not be able to achieve everything it sets out to achieve. However, one thing it can achieve is removing the Badal machine from power. This will begin with the SGPC elections and will continue with the Punjab assembly elections. After Panthic control is asserted over the SGPC in particular, Sikhi-inspired reforms and Gurmat-based leadership can become a real thing again in the Panth. Failing to win power will make reform so much more difficult to achieve.

Let's try again in April

It's not good to be negative when so many people are making an effort to get things going in the right direction for the Panth. Yesterday, I went to my local Gurdwara to watch the live broadcast. I did it because I thought it would be special to watch the broadcast together in Sangat. I did it because there was such a sense of hope out there for things to go in the right direction. And I'm still hopeful. Not all is lost. It was still impressive for so much sangat to get together in one place. Many of the resolutions, if executed properly, could be a great thing for the Panth. However, most resolutions were not controversial. The true test of the maturity of yesterday's event was on the selection of the Takht Jathedars and on this front, the results were uninspiring, to say the least.

When I say let's try again in April. I say that sincerely. I don't think the program yesterday failed because of bad intentions (although I think those certainly played some part). I think it failed because there was no system in place to actually make it a proper Sarbat Khalsa. I think it failed because our "leaders" live in an ingrained culture where decisions are made based on their limited worldview and ego instead of trying to think about the larger Panth and its needs.

So let's try again in April. Things that we need to get right next time include:

1) We had no idea who was making the decisions behind the scenes. Who were the backroom players? Who did they represent? I know for a fact that many important Sikh groups were not represented including Akhand Kirtani Jatha. It seems as if making decisions was left to those who aggressively sought to make decisions rather than to an actual representative group of Gursikhs. Prominent Sikh personalities such as Bhai Ranjit Singh Dhadhriawale were not in attendance. Some are mad at him for not attending but I want to hear his reasons because I think there's a strong chance he has good ones. Maybe he felt the process was wrong. Let's see.

I know many Gursikhs don't want to hear this but I'm almost certain that no women were involved in the decision-making process. This automatically means that 50% of our panth was not represented. We can lionize Mata Bhaag Kaur all we want but until we find a way for women to actually have a say in the Panth, we won't be living up to Sikh ideals.

2) I heard a rumour yesterday afternoon that Dhian Singh Mand was going to become the Jathedar of Akal Takht. The person who told me suggested this was decided sometime ago. Decisions should not be made long in advance of the actual gathering. I asked around to some Gursikhs I know who have more knowledge of Panthic Politics than I do and they laughed. They said there was no way people would accept Mand as he was a politician and the right-hand man of Simranjit Singh Mann who is largely considered an embarrassment. And yet it happened (although he was given the caretaker title). Something that was "decided" long before the actual gathering was foisted on the Sangat which takes us to point number three.

3) There was no system to object to what was happening. The resolutions started out with the "good news" - Bhai Jagtar Singh Hawara as Jathedar of Akal Takht. Sangat was ecstatic. At GNSG in Surrey, everyone was pumped when they heard Hawara's name. And then Amrik Singh Ajnala's name came and everyone was also very happy. For both these names, the sangat at the Gurdwara joined in with the Jaikaray. Then came Baljit Singh Daduwal's name and the atmosphere quickly turned around. It was silent. Only one person in sangat joined in with the Jaikara (and just barely). Then Dhian Singh Mand was announced as caretaker Jathedar of Akal Takht and again, there was silence. Without a doubt, many people objected to Daduwal and Mand but there was no way to speak out. This was a backroom decision being rammed through.

I did not agree that Jagtar Singh Hawara was the best person in the Panth to become Akal Takht Jathedar but hearing the sangat's reaction made my disagreement irrelevant. I did not agree that Amrik Singh Ajnala was the best choice for Takht Keshgarh Sahib. The sangat's reaction again made my disagreement irrelevant. We must go with the large consensus of the Panth. The Panth's will doesn't have to be unanimous for it be accepted.

But when it came to Daduwal and Mand, it's clear that there was no consensus. These were political appointments made for the wrong reasons. And it didn't have to happen. Bhai Paramjit Singh Khalsa (Anandpur Sahib) could have been appointed to a Takht; his speech was more well-received than anyone else and he's a fearless parchaarik. There are other quality choices out there as well but it seems that narrow political interests prevailed over the Panthic interest.

I would say that "let's hope" for better in April but hope is not good enough. April's Sarbat Khalsa must not have the defects of this one. Sangat will grow tired of being dictated to. In fact, that's the whole reason we are where we are.

Recapturing Authentic Sikh Leadership

In recent weeks, we have been witness to upheaval in the Khalsa Panth. The Jathedars of the Five Takhts have demonstrated that their decision-making is often guided by external forces rather than by any discernable Sikh principles. The ongoing attacks on Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji have shown how uninspired the current leadership has been in the face of obvious provocations. External forces are attempting to lure the Panth towards chaos and that is likely where we are headed unless the current opportunity is seized to make much-needed changes in the Panth. The answer to the current challenges is not anger and finger-pointing. The answer to these challenges is inclusive and purposeful action that will seek to bring people together for the collective Chardi Kala of the Panth.

What Changes do we Need?

Before we look at changes, we must clearly identify the defects in the current setup. Without clearly grasping the problems with our current system, we are bound to continue with the same defects in the future. On a Panthic level, the problem is not a single politician. The problem is a system that inherently lends itself to uninspired leadership.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee has the largest power in dictating the leadership of the Panth and this appears to be an accident of history rather than an actual decision by the Panth itself. Following the Gurdwara Reform Movement, the control of historically important Gurdwaras was vested to the SGPC by the Gurdwaras Act of 1925. At the time, this was a triumph for the Panth as it vested control of historical Gurdwaras including Harmandir Sahib and Sri Akal Takht Sahib in Sikh hands and away from anti-Sikh forces. In hindsight, the Panth became complacent with a system with many flaws as it was still a marked improvement over the system that it replaced. The SGPC system was flawed for many reasons but most of all because it was a system that was not inspired by Gurbani or Sikh history. It was not an authentically Sikh institution. Its elections have been slowly corrupted and co-opted over time by an Akali Dal Party that has morphed into a secular party with no Sikhi inspiration. 

While the current SGPC may be controlled by nominal Sikhs, there is very little that is Gurmat-based about the leadership that it is providing. There is nothing about the status quo that is designed to ensure that Guru-inspired Sikhs are making decisions for the benefit of the Panth and humanity-at-large. The corrupted election process scares off genuine Sikhs and ultimately determines the relatively poor quality of leadership that does emerge. The fact that the SGPC is governed by an Indian government statute highlights how problematic it is. Panthic leadership must free itself from the shackles of political control of federal or state level politicians in India. Lastly, the SGPC is not geographically representative. Many Sikhs living outside of Punjab and in the rest of the world have no way to influence its decision-making. Any future Panthic decision-making process must include all Sikhs from around the world, not just those in Punjab.

An 18th Century Sarbat Khalsa in 2015?

In recent weeks, we have witnessed a clamouring for a Sarbat Khalsa which is supposed to be a gathering of the entire Sikh nation. This has been a positive development insofar as it shows that Sikhs are hungering for an authentically Sikh way to make Panthic decisions to replace the SGPC system. However, a Sarbat Khalsa poses several logistical issues that makes its success unlikely. Sarbat Khalsas were common for much of the 18th Century when the Khalsa Panth was numerically much smaller and divided into Misls which were defined by geographic area. Each Misl had its own leadership and Panthic decisions at the Sarbat Khalsa were made by the leadership of the respective Misls. Today, the population of the Panth is much larger than it was in the 18th Century and more importantly than that, many Sikhs do not neatly fit into a Misl or any other organization for that matter. How are decisions to be made? A Sarbat Khalsa without a system to give voice to all Sikhs is no more authentically Sikh than the current arrangement. For all of the SGPC’s faults, it is at least a relatively orderly system.

The Sarbat Khalsa model was also successful in the 18th Century because leadership that was revered and trusted by the Panth guided the process.  The first Sarbat Khalsa was summoned by Bhai Mani Singh and subsequent ones were guided by Gursikhs like Baba Deep Singh, Nawab Kapur Singh and Baba Jassa Singh Ahluwalia.  Even in the 1980s, gatherings called "Sarbat Khalsa" (although they did not have the deliberative and inclusive aspects of previous Sarbat Khalsas) were called by the Damdami Taksal or other recognized and largely trusted individuals or organizations.  Fast forward to 2015 and there is no such recognized or accepted Sikh leader or organization who has the legitimacy or credibility to call or preside over an inclusive, authentic and functioning Sarbat Khalsa. Furthermore, given the size of the Khalsa Panth today, expecting a one-day Sarbat Khalsa to be functional and legitimate is unrealistic if not delusional. 

An unfiltered Sarbat Khalsa is likely to be chaotic and dominated by the angriest amongst us who have the loudest voices. No compelling arrangements have been presented to hear the voices of Sikh women, of the poor, of the so-called low castes and so on. Sikhs from countries outside Punjab also have no clear way of being involved in the process. A Sarbat Khalsa without a thoughtful system in place to hear all voices is more likely to exacerbate problems in the Panth than heal them. A Sarbat Khalsa that has not been adapted for the realities of the 21st Century will be dysfunctional and will lack legitimacy. Without the right system in place, such a "Sarbat Khalsa" may take on the feel of an angry mob rather than the Guru-inspired manifestation of justice and righteousness. Ultimately, decisions will have to be made by Guru-inspired leaders who are chosen by the Panth in an authentically Sikh way. That will be a true Sarbat Khalsa.

Guiding Principles

So what is an authentically Sikh way of choosing Sikh leaders? Rule Number One must be that ultimate authority rests with the Guru. From Sikh history, we know that Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji made Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji our living and eternal Guru. All Panthic decision making must be inspired by the Guru. We also know that the Guru, in human form, lies within the Punj Pyareh. Sri Guru Gobind Singh Ji gave authority for Panthic decision-making to the Punj Pyareh. Any future Panthic decision-making process must be inspired by the principle of Punj Pyareh governance. When Baba Banda Singh Bahadur was sent from Nander to Punjab in order to deliver justice to the Mughals, he was accompanied by Punj Pyareh who had the duty to guide and assist him.  The Jathedar of the Panth at that time was under the guidance of the Punj Pyareh and as a result, the Khalsa was able to overcome insurmountable odds to defeat the Mughals and establish the first Khalsa Raj. 

What other rules or guidelines can we glean from Sikh history and/or Gurbani? We would be wise to look at the example of Nawab Kapur Singh. In 1733, Nawab Kapur Singh was chosen by the Khalsa Panth to be its leader. Kapur Singh did not seek a leadership role. He was thrust into it by the will of the Panth. The Panth would be wise to heed this example when choosing leaders in the future. Rule Number Two should be that leadership roles on a Panthic level must not go to those who seek them but rather to those who are nominated based on their history of service and their example as committed Sikhs. 

Rule Number Three can simply be that any system for Panthic decision-making must not only be in-line with Sikh traditions but also be practical and feasible in its implementation. This is why an 18th Century Sarbat Khalsa model is unlikely to be suitable for the current day. 

A Way Forward

Taking these three rules into consideration, a system for initially selecting Panthic leadership according to Sikh principles can be devised with the following steps:

1. Creating a number of geographic zones around the world from which representatives can be chosen. Each zone would have a similar amount of Sikh population living within it. As most of the Sikh population still lives in Punjab, a majority of these zones would be located in Punjab although many zones would be located in other parts of India and indeed throughout the rest of the world. Approximately 50 zones could be created in total in order to keep the process manageable. As an example, the zones outside of India could be divided as follows: Western Canada, Eastern Canada, Western USA, Eastern USA, Northern UK, Southern UK, Continental Europe, Southeast Asia, Australia/NZ and Africa/Middle East. Population differences may exist between the zones but they should be balanced as much as possible in order to make representation as equitable as possible.
2. Each representative’s jeevan or way of life must be exemplary and each representative must be of the calibre of doing Amrit Sanchaar Sevaa (as one of the Punj Pyareh). To be chosen as a representative for a zone, one must be nominated by five Amrit Dhari Gursikhs. Each nominee must be ratified by the Punj Pyareh at Sri Akal Takht Sahib to ensure that they are an upstanding Panthic Gursikh. This would be a check to ensure the integrity of the process. Specifically, the Punj Pyareh at the beginning of this process would be the Punj Pyareh who recently stood up to the decision-making of the current Takht Jathedars. Sikh women must also be a part of this process and should be chosen as representatives when they are the most fitting candidate. A Sikh’s rehit or way or life must be the only consideration; not their gender, not their socioeconomic status and most certainly not their so-called caste.
3. Where multiple candidates are nominated from the same geographic zone, a sangat selection meeting will be held at a location in that zone. An invitation would go out to all sangat with at least one month’s notice. During this meeting, Punj Pyareh would be selected according to Panthic Maryada who would ponder over the qualifications of each nominated individual and make a decision based on which candidate is most fitting.
4. Once each zone has picked a representative, all of the representatives would meet together. To get into the right frame of mind, all representatives will engage in Kirtan/Naam Simran/Gurmat Vichaar for several days together. Ultimately, the representatives would pick Punj Pyareh to guide the leadership of the Panth moving forward. The Punj Pyareh would have the option of picking a Jathedar from amongst themselves or potentially picking another outside individual to serve as the Panthic Jathedar.
5. Moving forward, the Punj Pyareh and the Jathedar would be responsible for providing thoughtful and purposeful leadership to the Panth in-line with Sikh traditions and principles. At this point, a much more comprehensive system could be designed to replace or update current Sikh institutions.

Now is the time for authentic Sikh leadership to come back to the Khalsa Panth. The Guru has presented their Sikhs with an opportunity and it is our duty to seize it. Seizing the opportunity will require more than a change in institutions. It will require a change in culture as well. A culture of infighting, short-term-thinking and self-destructive behaviour must be replaced by a culture of unity, vision and progress. This change in culture can only happen if, as individuals, we redouble our commitment to the Guru.