A Minimally Acceptable Sarbat Khalsa

Many Panthic Gursikhs are moving forward with plans for organizing another Sarbat Khalsa later this year. In hindsight it has become sadly clear that more will need to be done to inspire confidence in the Sarbat Khalsa process. The last Sarbat Khalsa's defects included: a lack of transparency, a lack of representation, the inability for common Sikhs to have their voices heard, among many other issues. All of these defects, put together, made the Sarbat Khalsa an almost self-defeating task. Its organizers wanted progress in the Panth but the defects in its organization only served to undermine the event's goals, most of which were obviously positive for the Panth. Shortly after the Sarbat Khalsa, the Jathedars that were selected were arrested and there was no major outpouring of outrage from the community. This was because most common Sikhs saw the event for what it was: driven by political self-interest and not even bothering to reflect the will of the Khalsa Panth in any meaningful or proper way.

So how can a Sarbat Khalsa be organized that will be legitimate in the eyes of common Sikhs? I've already laid out a proposal a few weeks ago. This involved creating geographic zones, coming up with a checklist for representatives to the Sarbat Khalsa and finally for a Sarbat Khalsa Punj Pyareh to oversee the selection of representatives from each of the zones.

Honestly, I think that is unlikely to happen. It seems as if there is simply a lack of vision and know-how to execute this kind of system, especially now given the time constraints in place. So instead, I want to offer a more minimalistic approach to how I think a Sarbat Khalsa can still be pulled off in a way that is practical and yet still legitimate enough that it could lead to positive changes for the Panth, moving forward.

Before any of that though, I think it has to be clear who the "organizing committee" of the Sarbat Khalsa is. Before a Sarbat Khalsa can be organized, it has to be obvious who the organizers are. Who is responsible for convincing "Panthic Leaders" to show up? Who is responsible for compiling resolutions, managing proceedings and so on and so forth? This seems like such an obvious issue but I think the question of who the organizers are needs more clarity. The identity of the organizers should be obvious to the entire Panth, if only so we know who can be held accountable for the event's successes and failures.

So here are my suggestions for the organizers of the Sarbat Khalsa, whomever they may be:

1) Taking it seriously when you call yourself "Guru Panth Da Daas".

It is common for Panthic leaders and politicians to claim to be "daas" or servant of the Guru Khalsa Panth. Few seem to act like it in a genuine way. If a Sarbat Khalsa is going to be executed successfully, I think it requires a group of organizers who genuinely feel as if they are the servants of the Khalsa Panth and of each and every Gursikh.

This means that the organizers of the Sarbat Khalsa should be constantly open to constructive criticism and feedback. They should be willing to implement positive feedback as they receive it. They should know that the Sarbat Khalsa does not belong to them but rather to the entire Panth. They are simply its temporary custodians.

2) Inspiration from Shabad Guru.

Harinder Singh (formerly from SikhRi) had a really spot-on criticism of the Sarbat Khalsa process. He was a part of the deliberations and noted that there was no Sikhi presence in the discussions surrounding the Sarbat Khalsa. For example, there was no ardaas before meetings. No reading of Gurbani before beginning deliberations. There was no use of Gurbani, Sikh History, Sikh Rehit Maryada, etc. to support one's opinions.

The whole underlying idea behind the Sarbat Khalsa is that the Badal group is divorced from genuine Sikhi. How can this criticism stand when those who want to replace the Badal-order can't even bother to support their opinions with Gurbani?

3) Accepting proposed resolutions from the Global Sikh population.

This is important. A mailing address and an e-mail address should be set up and Sikhs from around the world should be able to send their proposed resolutions. This would be easy to set up and it wouldn't even be that difficult for a Sevadar to spend some time and compile a list of the different proposed resolutions. Similar-ish resolutions could be grouped together and a tally could be kept of how often that type of resolution was proposed.

This would be a solid starting-off-point for when the "important" decision-making types show up in November.

4) Transparency.

This item flows from point 1 but if someone feels as if they are Guru Panth Da Daas, then they would naturally be transparent with their master.

Even until today it seems as if no one has bothered to be transparent about last November's Sarbat Khalsa. Where is the list of organizers? Where is the list of decision-makers?

5) All deliberations should be minuted and recorded.

Everything should be minuted so that the sangat could have an understanding of what transpired behind closed doors. Everything should be video-recorded as well just in case.

There are strong reasons to keep things more confidential and private. There is the ever-present issue of government harassment and intimidation. Someone may feel uncomfortable expressing an unpopular (but maybe correct) opinion if all deliberations are going to be made public.

However, I think, on balance, there are stronger reasons to decide in favour of transparency. There is currently a massive deficit of trust in our Panthic leaders and institutions. This would go some way to demystifying the decision-making process and would lead to more trust in the people who are making the decisions and their motivations.

6) Speakers should be the same as decision-makers.

Last November, there were many discussions ongoing behind closed doors. There was also a parade of speakers who spoke on the live-feed of the Sarbat Khalsa. Most of the speakers had no actual participation in the decision-making behind the scenes. This time, the list of speakers and the list of decision-makers should be one and the same. Every decision-maker should present themselves to the Sangat and explain their priorities, their vision and their dreams for the Panth. This would give the speeches an actual purpose rather than being a quite lame ritual like it was last time.

7) The organizers should actively explain their decision-making regarding issues of representation

For me, this is one of the most important issues. The organizers' main job, in my opinion, is to bring together a representative collection of the global Sikh community. In order to hold the organizers to task for this important role, they should actively explain their efforts in this regard both before and after the Sarbat Khalsa.

They should write a letter explaining their efforts in convincing representatives from all groups and schools of thought to show up. For those who declined to participate at the Sarbat Khalsa, they should also explain why those people did not show up and which efforts were made to persuade them. I think this would be quite powerful. When Dhadhriawale did not show up at the last Sarbat Khalsa, the reasons were largely shrouded in mystery. This time, if a similar situation arises, the organizers should explain what efforts were made to contact Dhadhriawale and furthermore, what efforts were made to listen to his concerns and address them.

At the end of the day, it is the job of the Sarbat Khalsa organizers to explain how they tried to bring together a representative group of Gursikhs to have a discussion about the future of the Panth. If there is enough transparency in the process, I would like to believe that the end result would be far more legitimate instead of coming across as a rigged process that was illegitimate from the outset.

Some Thoughts on Maintaining Unity Amongst Gursikhs

Many Gursikhs are pretty down on the prospects of Panthic Ekta (Unity). It seems like an almost unachievable task. Like most issues that seem hard to achieve at a Panthic-wide level, it is a good idea to see if smaller victories towards unity can be achieved at a more local level or even at a Jathebandi level. If there is unity amongst the Panth's Jathebandis and other local sangats, unity becomes much more achievable on a Panthic level some day. 

So what are some possible steps that can be taken for unity?

1) Maintain Gurmat Principles of Governance. 

The number one principle for governance for any Sikh sangat (eg. a Jathebandi) is that it must be run by the Punj Pyareh (five divinely inspired Gursikhs) who are under the authority of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. These five Gursikhs must be nominated from amongst the Sangat in a transparent (non-rigged) manner. The Sangat is ultimately supreme and their will must be genuinely reflected in the selection of the Punj. The Punj can then make decisions on behalf of the sangat. At all times, the Punj are at the mercy of Guru Sahib and the sangat. The Punj may delegate authority to a Jathedar but the Punj must keep the Jathedar in check and make sure that the supremacy of the sangat remains. The Punj must also maintain the supremacy of Guru Sahib, eg. taking guidance from hukamnamas and reflecting on their message before making major decisions. 

Needless to say, most sangats likely do not reflect the above principles. For example, Harnaam Dhumma is currently the "Jathedar" of the Damdami Taksal at Mehta. I am not an expert on the Taksal but it seems as if ultimate authority is not lying where it should, eg. with Guru Sahib and with Taksali Gursikhs. According to Gurmat, the Taksal or any Sikh institution should have a Punj Pyareh of genuine non-corrupted Gursikhs to guide its affairs and to keep its Jathedar in check (and remove the Jathedar if they are not governing according to Gurmat). These Punj Pyareh would be selected at a regularly scheduled meeting of Taksali Gursikhs (diaspora Gursikhs could attend via teleconference). If this simple reform were instituted in the Taksal, Mr. Dhumma would likely be removed from his post and a non-compromised individual could be selected in his place. 

2) Implement best practices including learning from other Sangats

Many Jathebandis seem like they are stuck in the muck. They are just trudging along without giving much thoughtful consideration on how to create a sangat that is as inspiring as possible. I personally believe that it is important to see what is going on in other Jathebandis and Sangats in order to maximize parchaar and Chardi Kala in one's own Jathebandi. One's own Jathebandi may not be especially attractive or welcoming to outside sangat. One's own Jathebandi may not be successful in engaging youth in sevaa. One's own Jathebandi may have other issues as well. It is possible to learn from other Jathebandis in order to become successful in those areas. Once success is achieved then one's own Jathebandi can be an example and role-model sangat for others locally and globally. 

So what does this have to do with unity? If a Jathebandi is running successfully and is attracting sangat, there are less reasons for sangat to be divided. If there is enough Sevaa to keep everyone occupied, there is less ammunition for troublemakers to create problems. If a Sangat is running in Chardi Kala, Gursikhs will try to help maintain that Chardi Kala and will feel a pride in their sangat.

3) Seek out Unity from Gursikhs of other backgrounds

I really liked it, when a few years ago, Akhand Kirtani Jatha UK began seeking out unity with Gursikhs from other groups. Not only is this productive in setting the stage for Panthic-level unity at some point, it is also an inspiring act and any inspiring act is also helpful for unity at a more local level. If I was a member of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha in UK and I saw the people in charge seeking out unity with Taksali and Nihung Gursikhs, I would be more inspired towards working towards unity at all levels including within the Akhand Kirtani Jatha UK and also in my dealings with every type of Gursikh. The Gursikhs who run Jathebandis have the unique power to inspire in this way by seeking out these special opportunities to show us that most Sikhs are pretty much the same and that when we act in ways that harm unity, it is counterproductive and harmful to the Panth. 

How to Move Forward with Sarbat Khalsa 2016

Many Gursikhs are working diligently on organizing a more successful Sarbat Khalsa for November of this year. Considering their efforts, I thought I would share my thoughts on how I think it could be possible to organize this upcoming Sarbat Khalsa so that it is inclusive and truly representative of the entire Khalsa Panth.

So where should we start? From everything I've heard, the (former) Punj Pyareh of Sri Akal Takht Sahib are in charge of ensuring that the upcoming Sarbat Khalsa is organized properly. Their role is pivotal. They have now been given a Sevaa and it is absolutely essential that they execute their sevaa with leadership, vision and integrity. It will also require a lot of hard work from them. In order to pull this off, they would have to devote themselves full-time to this project over the next 6 months.

Much of this is based off of my previous writings on these topics but I have adapted things to suit the upcoming Sarbat Khalsa. For the upcoming Sarbat Khalsa, we do not need a perfect event but we need an event that is a significant improvement over Sarbat Khalsa 2015.

Here is how I think the Punj Pyareh should go about this...

Part 1:

It is a serious issue we have right now that we have no way of selecting legitimate representatives of different sangats in order to make decisions for the entire Panth. Sometimes, we think we can organize a Sarbat Khalsa by involving all Jathebandis but that is not a realistic option given Jathebandi politics and divisions within Jathebandis. Instead, the only realistic way to represent the entire Panth is to have representatives chosen based off of geographic zones.

I have created a draft list of zones. Most zones have one representative assigned, some have two and a couple have three representatives. The list was designed so that each representative would be representing a similar amount of Sikhs (there are differences but nothing drastic) but I have limited the number of zones to as few as possible (50) without (in my opinion) jeopardizing the effectiveness of representing all Sikhs. I have seen some proposals for much larger numbers but I strongly believe that a large number of representatives is likely to lead to the process becoming unwieldy and chaotic. When the Panth has more experience with these institutions, it may be an idea to have a larger group of Gursikhs selected.  

This list of zones is based off of existing political boundaries for the sake of simplicity (eg. Punjab districts, Indian states, and national borders). The proposed list of zones is as follows:

International Zones (10 zones)

A) UK - 2 Representatives
B) Continental Europe
C) Canada - 2 Representatives
D) USA - 2 Representatives
E) East Asia (includes Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Philippines, China, Japan and other countries in East and Southeast Asia)
F) Middle East / Africa / Pakistan
G) Australia (includes New Zealand and Oceania)

India Zones (9 zones)

A) Delhi - 2 Representatives
B) Haryana - 2 Representatives
C) Jammu-Kashmir (Northern India)
D) Madhya Pradesh (Central India)
E) Maharashtra (Western India)
F) Uttar Pradesh-Bihar (Eastern India)
G) Uttarakhand (Southern India)

Punjab Zones (31 zones)

A) Amritsar - 3 Representatives
B) Barnala
C) Bathinda - 2 Representatives
D) Chandigarh-Mohali
E) Faridkot
F) Fatehgarh Sahib
G) Firozpur  - 2 Representatives
H) Gurdaspur - 2 Representatives
I) Hoshiarpur
J) Jalandhar
K) Kapurthala
L) Ludhiana - 3 Representatives
M) Mansa
N) Moga  - 2 Representatives
O) Muktsar
P) Patiala  - 2 Representatives
Q) Rupnagar-Shahid Bhagat Singh Nagar
R) Sahibzada Ajit Singh Nagar
S) Sangrur - 2 Representatives
T) Tarn-Taran - 2 Representatives

Part 2: 

The Akal Takht Punj Pyareh should craft a list of criteria for the representatives of the different zones. A draft list is as follows:

1) A Sikh whose personal way of life is exemplary and who possesses unimpeachable integrity.
2) A Sikh who possesses extensive knowledge of Gurbani and Sikh History.
3) A Sikh who is knowledgeable about Panthic affairs including the challenges the Panth faces with regards to the freedom of Sikh institutions.
4) A Sikh who possesses a record of extensive Panthic service including efforts in Sikhi Parchaar.
5) A Sikh who has been blessed with Khanday Batay Da Amrit and who is immersed in Gurbani and Naam.
6) A Sikh who, at a minimum, never fails to abide by the requirements of the Sikh Rehit to do their daily Nitnem Banis, wear their Kakaars, abstain from the four Bujjer Kurahits (cardinal sins) and give Dasvandh (10% of their income for charitable purposes).
7) A Sikh who earns an honest and clean living free of income derived from dishonest practices or practices that go against Sikh teachings.
8) A Sikh who possesses a special or unique skillset or set of experiences which would make him or her uniquely well-positioned for a role in the Sarbat Khalsa.

There should also be at least some quota for Kaurs otherwise we run the risk of it being 50 Singhs selected. A reasonable quota to start could be 10 or even 20%. It could be increased in the future as more Kaurs stand up for these types of positions.

Part 3: 

Nominations should be submitted online in order to make the process accessible to all. In order to nominate someone, 5 other Gursikhs must attest to that nominee's suitability according to the criteria published by the Akal Takht Punj Pyareh. One cannot nominate oneself. 

After a one-month nomination period closes, a list of all nominees would be published online for each zone. The Akal Takht Punj Pyareh would then screen out anti-Panthic elements and other unsuitable candidates by spending a month or (preferably) two vetting the nominees from each zone. After the end of the vetting period, a number of potential options could be pursued. There can be an online voting process for the remaining vetted candidates (a process I don't particularly like the idea of). There can be a sangat-driven selection meeting in each zone (overseen by the Punj Pyareh). Or to keep it simple, the Punj Pyareh could simply pick the representatives for each zone from the list of nominated individuals, after they complete their vetting process. 

Now will any of this happen? Maybe or maybe not. But the consequences of organizing another flawed and unrepresentative Sarbat Khalsa this year could be disastrous. So let's hope we see some action on how to make the Sarbat Khalsa what it should be: a gathering of the entire Khalsa Panth, through legitimately selected representatives of the worldwide sangat. 

Panthic Seva at the Local Level

When Bhai Manvir Singh came here in 2013 for Khalsa Camp, he shared some bachans of Bhai Jasbir Singh Khanne Wale, relating to Panthic Seva.

Bhai Jasbir Singh gave a simple-to-remember ੳ, ਅ and ੲ of effective Panthic Seva. 

The ੳ stands for "Ucha Sucha Jeevan" which can be translated as having high moral character and living according to Sikh principles. At the end of the day, our jeevan or way-of-life, is also the most effective form of parchaar. 

The ਅ stands for "Adhian" which can be translated as doing regular research and study about Sikhi. Sikhi is an ocean and a Sikh must always be striving to improve their jeevan over time by learning more about Sikh principles on a regular basis by studying Sikh history and the jeevans of Gurmukh souls.

The ੲ stands for "Ilaakay dee Sumbaal" which can be translated as being responsible for the well-being of your local area. It's worth noting that this bachan focuses on the local community rather than on the panth-at-large and there is certainly a lot of wisdom in that approach. Most of us are not able to influence Badal's re-election bid or other political matters in Punjab but we are able to help transform our local sangats.

So how can we take care of our local sangats, as recommended by Bhai Jasbir Singh? In this post, I am going to be focusing on the area of Youth Parchaar in BC. 

I am breaking down the thoughts into two categories of important changes: Structural and Cultural. 

Structural Changes

Structural changes are easier than cultural changes. They require hard-work but it is possible to implement these changes under the right circumstances. Some examples and ideas of structural changes to our local Youth Sangat are as follows:

1) The Creation of a “Youth Council” of 5 panthic-minded youth. This council can be selected by consensus at an annual or bi-annual meeting. Ideally, this council could guide Youth parchaar efforts in BC and intervene to preserve Ektaa among youth when needed. This council can also guide younger youth and help attach them to sevaas. This council must be representative of the sangat and must demonstrate a passion for parchaar and ektaa. This council can identify gaps that exist in the existing local parchaar and devise a gameplan to plug those gaps.

2) A monthly meeting among Youth who are interested in Sevaa. At this meeting, veechaar can be done on Panthic Issues and different youth can be attached to different sevaas. 

Cultural Changes

Changing the culture of the sangat in a local area is hard but if enough people implement these changes, it could cause a ripple effect. 

1) Many existing efforts are already being made towards parchaar. However, there is often a lack of support for one another's parchaar efforts. They are uncoordinated and in some cases, there is even an unnecessary atmosphere of competition surrounding different parchaar efforts. There should be a higher level of coordination in parchaar efforts and there should be a heartfelt effort to support all parchaar efforts even if they are "competing" with an effort that someone is already involved with. 

2) We need to create a more welcoming and inclusive atmosphere at all programs. If someone attends a local AKJ (or some other sangat) program, they should always feel welcome to do so. They should be greeted warmly and made to feel welcome. This would really help if different youth felt more welcome attending programs of different sangats. It would promote understanding and relationship-building between different youth of different backgrounds. 

3) Misunderstandings and personal issues need to be resolved more proactively. The Youth Council mentioned in the structural changes can also help with this. Too often, grudges hold back parchaar and they limit our imagination in terms of what is possible. 

A World Sikh Parliament Proposal

The November Sarbat Khalsa was a deeply conflicting event for many Sikhs. We were pleased with efforts to take positive steps towards Panthic Sovereignty but we were dismayed by the flawed and improper execution of the event. And even though some aspects relating to the event were concerning, it was still an inspiring time for many of us. I remember spending my November nights thinking about Panthic issues and how the Panth can come together and tackle them. One of the resolutions adopted at the Sarbat Khalsa particularly caught my attention and that was the resolution relating to the World Sikh Parliament ("WSP") because it seemed like a perfect way to accomplish a true Sarbat Khalsa; a representative body of Sikhs from around the world that could guide Panthic affairs.

As someone who is interested in politics and government, I decided to take a stab at writing a "Constitution" for the WSP. It was a humble attempt to get my vision for the Panth down on paper. I wrote it in early December and sent it to certain Gursikhs I respect for their feedback and also so they could use it for ideas in case they were involved with drafting the actual Constitution for the WSP. It's now March and I haven't seen much progress being made and so I've decided to go ahead and publish it on my blog. It certainly contains many mistakes and was only meant to be a starting point for discussion.

As I was writing it, I was guided by the following principles:

1) The WSP should be in line with Sikh Principles as set out in Gurbani and Sikh History: The fundamental failure of the SGPC system was that it was not a system that was inspired by Sikhi. As the system was not inspired by Sikhi, it could also hardly be expected to inspire Sikhi in others. And inspiring Sikhi should be the main purpose of any Sikh institution.

2) No Elections: Elections are an enormously corrosive feature of our current state of affairs. They scare off genuine Sikhs, are ripe for corruption and ultimately result in politician-types pandering to the lowest common denominator. Mass elections should have no place in Panthic institutions.

3) Ensuring the Quality of WSP Members: In order to be a worthwhile system, the WSP's members must be genuine Sikhs who have a genuine and personal connection with Sikhi and Guru Sahib. In order to accomplish this, I have proposed a supervisory committee to supervise the selection of WSP members in a transparent manner to ensure that only the right people are chosen.

4) Intuitive and Easy to Understand: I wanted the system to be easy for people to understand and I hope I accomplished that in this model. For any new system to take off, it needs to be easy enough for all people to grasp.

5) Not Too Difficult to Implement: Tied to the previous point, I wanted to design a system that was easy to implement, knowing that there would be hundreds of challenges towards the implementation of any new system. So why not at least make it relatively simple to implement?

6) A Structure that is Conducive to Panthic Chardi Kala and Ekta (Unity): I wanted the WSP structure to be well-designed so that it would allow the Gursikhs who are part of it to tackle important issues. I also wanted to design a system that lends itself to consensus-based decision-making rather than majority-rule. Majority (50%+1) rule would likely result in rifts and a lack of Panthic unity.

7) Geographic Representation rather than Group Representation: Many people's idea of a Sarbat Khalsa includes representation for various Jathebandis or Sikh organizations. Personally, I think this model is misguided because it inherently encourages disunity and the creation of more and more groups. Instead of having a group-based model, I wanted to go with a geographic model.

8) Not Registered with any Government: The WSP should not be registered with any government, especially not the Government of India. Government control of our institutions is a root cause of many of our issues.

9) Incorruptible: Ideally, the WSP Constitution should have some safeguards to avoid corruption. This would be best done by ensuring maximum transparency.

10) In Touch with Local Sikh Populations: I want the WSP to be a system that is in touch with local Sikh populations from around the world. In order to accomplish this, I have proposed local WSP committees that can also make plans and tackle issues in local communities.

So without further ado... my proposal for the WSP "Constitution" is below:

WORLD SIKH PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTION

The World Sikh Parliament (the “WSP”) is the Supreme Political Institution of the Sikhs. The WSP has been constituted by the Guru Khalsa Panth (the “Panth”), in-line with Sikh traditions, in order to provide an independent and authentically Sikh form of leadership for the Panth. The WSP has several key roles including the political leadership of the Panth, spiritual and religious guidance to Sikhs and Sikhi Parchaar (propagation of Sikh teachings). The ultimate purpose of the WSP is to enhance the Chardi Kala of the Panth by spreading the message of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji (the “Guru”).

Article 1: Supervisory Committee

Upon the WSP's inception, a five member Supervisory Committee shall be selected. Two alternate members shall also be chosen in case of ill-health, death or unavailability. The purpose of this Supervisory Committee shall be to oversee the integrity of the process that selects Representatives to the WSP. Members of the Supervisory Committee must be of unimpeachable integrity. Supervisory Committee members must be impartial, neutral and objective during the selection process.

1.1: Completion of Supervisory Committee Role

Supervisory Committee members shall have no role in the functioning of the WSP itself. Their role shall be deemed complete once the WSP Representatives are chosen.

1.2: Future Supervisory Committees

Upon the completion of the majority of the WSP’s term, WSP representatives shall approve a new Supervisory Committee from names nominated by the WSP Executive Committee, including the approval of two alternate members.

Article 2: WSP Zones

Sikh population centres around the world shall be split into separate zones for the purposes of selecting Representatives to the WSP. A list of zones is listed in Appendix A for the first term of the WSP. Boundaries for the zones in Appendix A are detailed in Appendix B. The total number of zones shall be kept at the minimum level needed to maintain proper representation of the global Sikh population.

2.1: New Boundaries for Zones

WSP representatives shall constitute a Special Committee of WSP Representatives in every second WSP term to study the distribution of Sikh population around the world and after careful study, a new list of zones and boundaries shall be recommended to the WSP for approval. Population differences may exist between the zones but they must be balanced as much as possible in order to make representation as equitable as possible.   

2.2: Increasing or Decreasing the Number of WSP Zones

The Special Committee shall have the authority to make recommendations for increasing or decreasing the number of WSP zones, after consultation with the WSP Executive Committee, WSP Representatives and the wider Sikh community.

Article 3: Criteria for Representatives

WSP Representatives must be role model Sikhs. At a minimum, they must demonstrate the following criteria:

1) A Sikh whose personal way of life is exemplary and who possesses unimpeachable integrity.

2) A Sikh who possesses extensive knowledge of Gurbani and Sikh History.

3) A Sikh who is knowledgeable about Panthic affairs including the challenges the Panth faces with regards to the freedom of Sikh institutions.

4) A Sikh who possesses a record of extensive Panthic service including efforts in Sikhi Parchaar.

5) A Sikh who has been blessed with Khanday Batay Da Amrit and who is immersed in Gurbani and Naam.

6) A Sikh who, at a minimum, never fails to abide by the requirements of the Sikh Rehit to do their daily Nitnem Banis, wear their Kakaars, abstain from the four Bujjer Kurahits (cardinal sins) and give Dasvandh (10% of their income for charitable purposes).

7) A Sikh who earns an honest and clean living free of income derived from dishonest practices or practices that go against Sikh teachings.

8) A Sikh who possesses a special or unique skillset or set of experiences which would make him or her uniquely well-positioned for a role in the WSP.

3.1: Supervisory Committee role in Including all Sikhs.

No Sikh should be excluded for reasons of gender, caste, race, or income. They must be nominated because they are they most deserving candidates. The Supervisory Committee must work to promote the inclusion of all Sikhs.

Article 4: Process for Selection of Representatives

4.1: Nomination Submission

Once the selection process begins, nominations shall be open for a period of one month. Nomination packages shall be made publicly available on the WSP website. To be nominated, one cannot stand forward oneself. One must be nominated by 5 fellow Amrit Dhari Sikhs from the same zone. Once the nomination package has been completed, it shall be submitted on the WSP website. Once the one month period is over, nominations shall be closed. Nomination packages shall include signed letters from the nominators, attesting to the qualifications of the nominee. The nomination package shall also include a standard checklist (the “Checklist”) published by the Supervisory Committee based off of the criteria for Representatives listed in Article 3. Soon after nominations are closed, a list of nominees, organized by WSP zone, shall be published on the WSP website.

4.2: Vetting by Supervisory Committee

For another two month period, the Supervisory Committee shall scrutinize the nominations for each zone. Due diligence shall be done including interviews of nominees and other Sikhs who are involved in their communities, in the respective zones. An evaluation of all nominees shall be done according to the Checklist. These evaluations shall be posted transparently on the WSP website. A list of remaining nominees for each zone shall be posted at the end of the two month vetting process.

4.3: Remaining Nominees

If only one nominee remains from a zone, they shall be ratified as the Representative for the zone. Where multiple nominees remain, they shall be informed of the situation and shall be given the option to choose a Representative from amongst themselves.

4.4: Selection Meeting if required

In situations that Representative selection is not resolved amongst the remaining nominees, a selection meeting shall be held at a central location in the zone, sanctioned by the Supervisory Committee. At this selection meeting, Punj Pyareh (Five Beloved Ones) shall be nominated from the sangat and they shall choose the most fitting candidate. At the end of this process, the Supervisory Committee shall ratify Representatives for each zone.

Article 5: Term of the WSP

The Term of the WSP is for 5 years. The WSP has no authority beyond five years and the Supervisory Committee must supervise the selection of the new WSP prior to the completion of the WSP’s term.

Article 6: Registration of Gurdwaras and Collection of Dues

Every Gurdwara in the world shall be required to register with the WSP. The WSP shall maintain a database of every Gurdwara in the world and shall work to ensure that each Gurdwara maintains basic standards as set out in the Sikh Rehit Maryada.

6.1: Payment of Dues

Each Gurdwara shall contribute 2% of its revenues to the WSP to cover the cost of the WSP’s operating expenses. Requests to waive or reduce dues can be considered by the WSP Executive Committee. The WSP Website shall include information on the status of each Gurdwara with regards to the payment of dues.

Article 7: Executive Committee of the WSP

In its first meeting, the WSP shall select Punj Pyareh (Five Beloved Ones) from amongst themselves. These Punj Pyareh shall form the Executive Committee of the WSP. They shall be the spokespersons for the WSP and shall have the authority to bring resolutions forward to the WSP for consideration.

7.1: Replacement of Executive Committee Members

A member of the WSP Executive Committee can be removed from office during his or her term if 50% of WSP Representatives sign a petition seeking his or her removal. Replacement Executive Committee Members shall be selected by WSP Representatives at the next sitting of the WSP.

7.2: Role as Takht Jathedars

Each Executive member of the WSP shall also take a position as one of the five Jathedars of the Five Takhts: Sri Akal Takht Sahib, Sri Patna Sahib, Sri Keshgarh Sahib, Sri Damdama Sahib and Sri Hazoor Sahib. A Jathedar for a Takht does not necessarily have to be a representative chosen from the zone in which the Takht resides. The Executive Committee shall decide amongst themselves regarding the placement of each member in each respective Takht, keeping in mind that the Akal Takht is the Supreme Sikh Takht. The Jathedar of the Akal Takht shall be considered as the Jathedar of the Panth.

Article 8: Meetings of the WSP

The WSP shall have a minimum of two sittings every year, at Vaisakhi and at Bandi Chorr Divas. Every meeting in each sitting shall be held in the presence of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. The Executive Committee has the power to call additional sittings of the WSP.

8.1: Quorum

A minimum of two-thirds of all WSP representatives must be in attendance for any WSP meeting to be valid.

8.2: Location of Meetings

The default location for WSP meetings shall be Sri Akal Takht Sahib in Amritsar. The WSP Executive has the authority to organize meetings in alternative locations as well.

8.3: Attendance by Outside of Country Representatives

All efforts shall be made by all members to attend all meetings although Outside of Country Representatives shall be provided alternative methods of attending WSP meetings such as videoconferencing.

Article 9: Power to Pass Gurmattas

The WSP shall have the authority to pass Gurmattas for the Chardi Kala of the Panth. In order to pass a Gurmatta, it must receive 80% support from the present representatives of the WSP although all efforts shall be made to obtain 100% consensus support for all Gurmattas.

9.1: Amendments to the WSP Constitution

Any proposed amendments to the WSP constitution shall be passed according to the same method as other Gurmattas.

Article 10: Special Committees

In addition to the Executive Committee, the WSP shall constitute several Special Committees amongst its representatives. WSP Representatives shall sit on a maximum of two committees.

10.1: Finance Committee

The Finance Committee shall oversee the collection of dues from worldwide Gurdwaras and shall also be responsible for crafting yearly budgets of WSP operating expenses, after consultation with other WSP Committees and WSP representatives.

10.2: Dharam Parchaar Committee

The Dharam Parchaar Committee shall oversee Sikhi Parchaar in Punjab, the rest of India and throughout the world. Strategies for Parchaar including resource allocation decisions shall be made by this Committee.

The Dharam Parchaar Committee shall ensure that Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji translations are completed and made available in all of the most widely spoken languages in the world.

10.2.1: Dharam Parchaar Committee Offices

The Dharam Parchaar Committee shall set up offices in each continent for the purposes of spreading the teachings of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. Parchaar materials shall be printed in the appropriate local languages and native-speaking parchaariks shall be trained for the purpose of conducting Sikhi Parchaar in the maximum number of countries.

10.3: Sikh Rehit Maryada Committee

The Sikh Rehit Maryada Committee shall oversee the interpretation of the Sikh Rehit Maryada. Any amendments to the Sikh Rehit Maryada recommended by this Committee shall be ratified by at least 80% of WSP representatives in order to be valid and in effect.

10.4: Discipline Committee

The Discipline Committee shall oversee complaints received by the WSP with regards to inappropriate actions by representatives of the Panth that cause disunity or actions that spread misinformation about Sikhi. The Discipline Committee shall work to resolve all complaints in a manner that shall preserve the maximum level of unity in the Panth.

10.5: Gurdwaras Committee

The Gurdwara Committee shall set guidelines for Gurdwaras from around the world in an effort to spread best practices that have been adopted in the Panth.

10.6: Special Project Committees

Special Project Committees can also be constituted by the WSP Executive of WSP representatives for special projects that require attention from time to time.

Article 11: Local Committees

Each WSP Representative shall also chair a Local Committee of five Amrit Dhari Sikhs in his or her home zone. Each Local Committee’s mandate is to ensure that Chardi Kala, Sikhi Parchaar and Unity are at a maximum in the local sangat.

11.1: Selection of Local Committees

Four additional Sikhs from the WSP zone shall join the WSP representative in forming the Local Committee. The four additional members of the Local Committee shall be nominated by the WSP representative for the zone and shall be ratified by Sangat at a Sangat gathering in the zone. This Sangat gathering shall be conducted in an inclusive and deliberative manner. New names can be brought forward at this gathering if nominated individuals are deemed unacceptable by the Sangat.

11.2: Makeup of Local Committees

Each Local Committee must include at least one women and at least one youth (an individual under the age of 35).

Article 12: Interpretation of this document

The meaning of this document shall be interpreted by the WSP Executive Committee except for articles pertaining to the selection of WSP Representatives which shall be interpreted by the Supervisory Committee. 

My Two Cents for the Conservative Party of Canada

I've voted in four federal elections in my life, In the first three, I voted for the Conservatives. In the last election, I initially intended to vote for the NDP although I switched my vote to the Liberals in the end because the NDP was not competitive in my riding. I did not like my Conservative candidate (Dianne Watts, who has shown a paternalistic attitude towards the Sikh community in the past) and I had grown tired of the Conservative Party as well, who had shown an inclination towards nastiness all too often in the past several years. The cynical use of the niqab to rile up xenophobic sentiment makes it hard for me to vote for the Conservatives in the future either but let's see how things unfold.

My inclination is to vote for the Liberals in the next election although my decision is not cast in stone. I am persuadable although right now I'd say there's an 80% chance I'd vote for the Liberals. I have a handful of sometimes vague reasons for this: 1) Justin Trudeau does not seem to be resorting to nastiness for political purposes, in contrast to his predecessor, 2) They seem moderate and reasonable on some important issues to me (resource development and trade), and 3) Harjit Sajjan has become an important role model to many Canadians and especially Sikh Canadians and I want to continue to see him in Cabinet. Reason Number 3 is especially important to me right now. Voting for another Party would jeopardize his place in Cabinet and ultimately, that would be a negative for my community, the Sikh community. 

However, as a previous supporter of the Conservative Party, I do have some advice for those individuals who are contemplating a run for the party's leadership. I would break down my advice into two areas:

A) Inclusion. The Conservatives' whole approach to minority outreach over the past decade was flawed, at some level. It was led by Jason Kenney, who undoubtedly devoted thousands of hours towards developing relationships by showing up at different events. To me and many others though, it came across too cynically, as if it was only about votes. That sense could come up with an NDP or Liberal politician too but that doesn't make it acceptable. When a politician comes to an event, the votes they gain should only be a happy by-product of their presence. It shouldn't be the driving focus or the elephant in the room. 

With Kenney, it felt as if it was more about doling out favours and hoping for a return from influential community members who had "vote banks". This approach might be better than neglecting communities entirely but it didn't exactly inspire confidence from average members of those communities. A better approach would be to build relationships and have those relationships be built by people who seem to be doing it because they like the people they are building those relationships with (the Conservatives actually have some people with this quality like Jim Prentice but they need to find more of them and place them in outreach positions). The approach should be about listening and then representing the community's concerns in particular avenues (like policy) and actually acting like you care about the community's actual priorities rather than the personal interests of particular power brokers. I rarely felt that Kenney actually reflected the Sikh community's interests in any meaningful way. Again, the extra votes that result should be a happy accident. They shouldn't be cravenly driving the entire thinking behind every event and interaction.

With the Liberals, the question of their representation of the Sikh community has often been in question over the years. For almost a decade, Ujjal Dosanjh was their most prominent Sikh member and voice. This was disheartening for most members of the community who see Ujjal Dosanjh as a brown-skinned and self-serving communist/atheist rather than a Sikh in any meaningful sense. But now, the Sikh community is represented quite well in the Liberal Caucus with 16 MPs and 4 Cabinet Ministers. 5 MPs are Sardars and at least 4 of those 5 are Amrit Dhari. The Liberals have to worry less about demonstrating inclusion because they're demonstrating that inclusion in action every day by the makeup of their caucus and their Cabinet. This doesn't mean that Sikhs should be complacent but there is definitely a level of comfort and pride that didn't exist in the past.

How can the Conservatives replicate this? As mentioned above, it'll be by changing the nature of their relationship with different minority groups. It'll be about listening and not asking for votes. It'll be about meeting with stakeholders beyond "community power brokers with 500 votes in the bank". It'll be about taking stances on issues that might even require some courage. Your canned Gurpurab greetings are worthless to me and most other people. Sometimes this can be dicey. Taking a stand in favour of Sikh human rights in India might come across as problematic to pro-Government of India members of the Hindu community but it can be pulled off without being too alienating by coming across as principled and heartfelt rather than as a political/vote-winning ploy. Giving MPs more autonomy and freedom to take stances based on the concerns of their constituents is also a key ingredient to this. Too often, Conservative MPs felt handicapped by their party's heavy-handed message control. Individual Conservative MPs can be perfectly nice and pleasant individuals but until they feel more empowered to publicly take positions that might make their party uncomfortable, effective outreach is difficult. Effective outreach ultimately requires more freedom for individual MPs. It'll also require being more creative when it comes to candidate recruitment. The Conservatives have run minority candidates in the past but the party needs to make sure they're not just nominating ambitious self-promoters but instead that they're nominating people who their communities can be proud of; educated role models who are driven by a sense of service. But these types of quality candidates won't be recruited until the party changes its approach to minority voters more broadly.

B) Thinking Big on Policy. The Harper years were not particularly ambitious when it came to matters of policy. Harper was known as an incrementalist but this type of approach alienated small-c conservatives and other Canadians interested in progress and big-thinking such. If the Conservatives are to capture the imagination of voters, they need to bring forward more ambitious policy proposals. Luckily for them, I have the following suggestions:

1) Supporting the Free Movement of Citizens between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and England along a model similar to the European Union. This might come across as racially dicey: why a preference for only Australia, New Zealand and England, which are predominantly white countries? But it isn't. Each of these countries is a multi-racial democracy that is largely similar in nature to Canada. Borders are often effectively a block on economic growth and human potential. Doing away with borders in particular circumstances when they can facilitate economic growth is a policy with few downsides. It strikes me as an ambitious policy and in-line with big-thinking Mulroney-era policies like Free Trade and the GST. Depending on the policy's success, the topic could even be broached with the Americans down the road.

2) Increasing immigration. Right now, Canada's immigration target is 1%. This is a pretty good target compared to other countries but Canada would do well to increase it. It should be increased to 1.5% or 2% and Canada should do more to bring the world's best and brightest to our communities. The government should work to increase Canada's population and make it a much bigger player on the world level. We know that natural population growth in Canada is minimal and so the government should be investing in increasing quality immigration to Canada. The points system is a good system but the country needs to increase the size of the immigration department to process more applications. Canada should eventually hand out 500,000 PR cards in a year compared to the 250,000 or so that are given out now. The federal government should work with the communities that are absorbing the most immigrants to ensure that there is not too large a strain on public services (so as to help immigration integration and to avoid any kind of backlash). Innovative strategies are also needed to increase immigration to the Atlantic Provinces who desperately need the influx of dynamism that immigration entails. Increasing immigration is a sound policy that also has the side-benefit of reassuring voters that the party is not xenophobic.

3) Phasing out Supply Management in Canada's dairy sector. Clearly, this is a policy that helps dairy farmers but it also hurts Canada's bargaining position in free trade talks. Phase it out over 5 or 10 years. It'll help Canada's position when negotiating free trade deals and it'll reduce dairy prices significantly for average Canadians and it'll especially be a benefit to Canadians living in poverty who would get a nice break on their grocery bills.

4) Expanding the Economic Union beyond the New West Partnership that includes BC, Alberta and Saskatchewan. These three provinces have a pretty cohesive economic union that governs internal trade and other issues relating to economic efficiency. The next Conservative Government should work with Provinces to expand this agreement into Manitoba and Ontario. Eventually, it should also include Quebec and the Atlantic Provinces as well. Increasing economic efficiency by streamlining regulations, accreditation standards, etc. is something the Conservatives need to be leading on. There's a federal leadership role in this. Provinces that are resistant need to be brought to the table with incentives.

5) Tax reform. The Harper government made Canada's tax code more of a nightmare than it already was beforehand. It seems politically difficult but I'd like to see the GST raised to 6 or 7% or even higher with a corresponding decrease in personal taxes. I haven't done the Math but I'd like to see a tax system with only two brackets rather than the current four. These two brackets could be something like 15% (for income up to $150,000) and 30% (for income above $150,000). There would be a hit to revenue but the increase to the GST could make up for it. I remember Tony Clement had a proposal in his 2004 run for the Conservative Party leadership which exempted income tax on the first $250,000 earned by young Canadians. This could also be an interesting policy that could appeal to younger voters.

6) Healthcare reform. I'm not a healthcare expert but I know that there are some reform proposals out there that could ultimately benefit our healthcare system. Modest user fees could be implemented to raise revenue and discourage unnecessary doctors visits. Innovative policies could be devised to attract more doctors and nurses and to streamline the accreditation process for foreign doctors. Regardless, I'd like to see the Conservatives propose at least some ambitious reforms to the healthcare system. Wait times are too long. The free market has some role to play. Find that role and propose it. Don't be debilitated by the fear of proposing something that might be politically sensitive.

7) Criminal Justice Reform. It might be hard for the Conservatives to see, but their policies on criminal justice issues alienated them from many voters, myself included. While Conservatives in the USA are even embracing criminal justice reforms (albeit from a worse starting position), Conservatives in Canada come across as out-of-touch in their so-called "tough on crime" positioning. Conservatives need to embrace the legalization of marijuana and in general need to support a policy of increasing treatment over increasing incarceration for drug offenders. Mandatory minimums for offences should be re-examined and not expanded as they often lead to miscarriages of justice for first-time and other offenders that could otherwise be rehabilitated. Criminal justice legislation needs to be driven by policy and evidence more than cynically playing to the raw emotions of victims of crime. Most importantly, the Conservatives need to embrace the Charter whole-heartedly. Any legislation relating to the Criminal Justice system must be obviously compliant with the Charter. Too often, it seemed as if the Conservatives treated the Charter as an annoyance rather than as something that they had to abide by when crafting legislation. Rather, the focus should be on providing police in Canada with more resources to solve crimes. Too many violent crimes are going unsolved. The reason for this needs to be examined and addressed.

8) A more ambitious policy on bringing resources to market. It seems as if our big resource projects in Canada are stuck in the muck even though thousands of good-paying jobs are depending on their approval. LNG in BC is not getting off the ground. And most importantly, pipelines are not getting built, which increases the cost of Alberta oil and places it at a competitive disadvantage. Propose a policy on dealing with mega-projects such as these. Find a way to streamline and speed up the approval processes. The Liberals are actually hinting at delaying the approval processes further, rather than speeding them up. These projects are clearly taking way too long to get going and some out of the box thinking is needed.

9) A New Deal with Canada's First Nations. Related in part to Point 8, the Federal government needs to intervene to make deals with affected First Nations on resource projects which will likely include new federal funding for First Nations priorities. First Nations are opposed to Liquefied Natural Gas projects in BC which are absolutely critical to future economic growth and Provincial Government revenue in the Province. It seems obvious to me that there could be ways to bring the affected First Nations to the table and to hash out deals that are win-wins but this would require political leadership and a new policy to bring to the table that could capture the imagination of First Nations peoples. In part, this policy needs to include a more ambitious plan for First Nations education. The policy will also likely need to include funding for other priority issues that could lead to long term progress for First Nations peoples.

10) Building on Harper's Free Trade legacy. Stephen Harper, for all his faults, has a pretty positive legacy when it comes to free trade with the EU deal and TPP in particular. As mentioned in Point 3, Canada needs to adopt a posture that is all about maximizing free trade deals. This means phasing out Supply Management and other issues that hinder Canada's negotiating posture in free trade talks. Canada should strike free trade deals with every willing democratic country. Free trade deals with undemocratic countries (eg. China) or less-than-democratic countries (eg. India) can be considered as well but only if Canada's ability to speak out against human rights abuses is not compromised in the process. 

Guru Gobind Singh Jee's Protection

With each passing day, more and more people are beginning to appreciate some of the systemic issues facing the Panth: namely the insanity that is the Indian and Punjab Governments' influence in our Panth's institutions. However, understanding external threats is only one part of the equation. Guru Gobind Singh Jee in the Shabad "Khalsa Mero Roop Hai Khaas" instructs his Sikhs that his support for them is conditional. It is conditional upon them remaining unique and true to the Khalsa character. It is conditional upon them staying strong and not following the ways of others (such as the Brahmins).

When the Panth's institutions are under attack, it is wise to understand the external forces behind that attack, but it is also wise to understand why Guru Gobind Singh Jee is not giving his protection to the Khalsa to withstand such attacks. How are we not staying unique? How are we following the ways of others? Humbly, there is one particular area where we have almost given up in living up to Khalsa ideals. It is also an area that is central to Sikhi and our Sikh identity. That area is our Kesh (unshorn hair).

To start with, I'm not a judger. I'm not a condemner. We're all Paapis (sinners). Some of us might be bigger Paapis than others but it's all relative. Bhagat Ravidaas Jee says so beautifully: ਜਉ ਪੈ ਹਮ ਨ ਪਾਪ ਕਰੰਤਾ ਅਹੇ ਅਨੰਤਾ || ਪਤਿਤ ਪਾਵਨ ਨਾਮੁ ਕੈਸੇ ਹੁੰਤਾ ||੧|| ਰਹਾਉ ||. The SikhiToTheMax translation is beautiful too, even if might not capture the full essence of the Shabad: If I did not commit any sins, O Infinite Lord, how would You have acquired the name 'Redeemer of Sins'?

Our interest should never be to condemn anyone else. Everyone makes mistakes. Only god can judge. However, one thing that is not in our power to do is to change the rules of the game. If the Sikh rehit requires that Sikhs keep their Kesh, we cannot pretend that it doesn't. No one seems to be suggesting that any interpretation of Rehit excludes the need to keep one's Kesh. And yet, it is now becoming increasingly uncommon for Sikh women to keep their Kesh intact. It isn't just an issue with Sikh women: many men insist upon Kesh removal on the part of Sikh women, either explicitly or in a roundabout way by marrying only those whose kesh is not intact.

I have heard several justifications for the removal of Kesh... 1) Sikh women in the past did not have facial hair issues (evidence? none of them? and if so, what does that prove?), 2) It becomes a distraction and a cause of insecurity, 3) It is necessary to get married, 4) It is important to look a certain way in society.

I have always tried to keep an open mind when hearing these explanations but never has one of these explanations seemed convincing from an objective standpoint. Each explanation sounds like succumbing to the ways of society that Guru Gobind Singh Jee guided us to avoid. There is no precedent in Sikh history for abandoning or even modifying a Rehit or Hukam of Guru Sahib because our mind tells us that it is too difficult to follow in today's day and age (especially a hukam as central as keeping our Kesh). That doesn't mean I am judging anyone who removes their Kesh. Far from it. I am not judging anyone. I sympathize with them, many of whom have gone through a lot of pain and anguish.

The more relevant question is, are they maintaining the Khalsa Rehit and therefore their distinctness as Khalsas (which is necessary for Guru Gobind Singh Jee's protection)? One of the main components of the Rehit of the Khalsa are the Four Bujjer Kurahits. Chief among these Bujjer Kurahits is the Kurahit of removing one's Kesh as our Kesh is at the core of our identity as Sikhs. There is no exception carved out for body hair or facial hair. Creating an exception now, with no support from Sikh History, Gurbani or Rehitnamas, is not in line with Sikhi. It is an effort to change Sikhi rather than an effort to adhere to Sikhi.

The reality is that Guru Gobind Singh Jee has stated clearly that he will not protect his Khalsa unless the Khalsa maintains its uniqueness. Uniqueness involves following at least the basic tenets of the Rehit (Abstaining from 4 Bujjer Kurahits, wearing kakaars, doing Nitnem, giving Dasvandh, etc.). This doesn't mean we need millions of more Khalsas. It simply means that at least those who claim to be Khalsas should make a good-faith and honest effort to follow the Khalsa Rehit rather than compromising it down to a level of it no longer having meaning. Mistakes will happen along the way but we can't change the rules of the game. We should do ardaas and make our best efforts.

Moving forward, we must teach our Amrit Dhari men that they must marry Sikh women who have their Kesh intact. Sikh mothers can shape our destiny as a Panth in such a powerful way but only if the Khalsa spirit within them stays alive. Without Kesh, there can be no Khalsa spirit and there can be no protection from Guru Gobind Singh Jee. Until we have Guru Gobind Singh Jee's protection on our side, efforts to bring Chardi Kala to the Panth will not ultimately be fruitful.